Proposal № 013 of 250 · Released July 16, 2026
The Portfolio Act
Legalize the way Americans already work — kill the moonlighting clause, make benefits ride the worker, and let the second job pay what it should.
The problem
The single full-time employer is no longer the atom of American working life. Nearly nine million Americans hold more than one job — hovering near record rates. Median tenure with an employer has fallen to about 3.9 years, the lowest in more than two decades. A third or more of the workforce does some independent work in a given year.
But the law still assumes the atom. Retirement plans attach to one employer and strand savings at every move. Withholding math breaks the moment you add a second W-2, ambushing multi-jobbers every April. Occupational licenses stop at state lines. And buried in millions of employment contracts sits the blanket moonlighting clause — a claim on your evenings by an employer who only bought your days. Even the word "moonlighting" files honest work under suspicion.
We built a portfolio workforce on single-job plumbing. The result is that the second job — the small business run after hours, the weekend trade, the fractional consultancy — pays less than it should and risks more than it must.
The proposal
Four rails, one principle: the working life belongs to the worker, and the plumbing should follow the person.
- Your evenings are yours. Blanket prohibitions on lawful off-hours work become void; an employer must show a specific, provable conflict — direct competition, trade secrets — to restrain any moonlight hour. Noncompete clauses are abolished for all but genuinely trade-secret-bearing senior roles. The controlled experiment has been running since 1872: California has voided noncompetes for 150 years, and the region that resulted is called Silicon Valley. The FTC tried to do this by rule and the courts balked; Congress should do it by statute, properly.
- Benefits ride the worker. № 004 already moves health care to the citizen; retirement follows. A national auto-portable retirement account — the design seventeen-plus states have already proven with auto-IRA programs — receives pro-rata contributions from every payer, W-2 or 1099, into one account with the worker's name on it. Employers run a payroll deduction and carry zero fiduciary burden; nobody's savings are ever stranded in a former employer's plan again.
- Taxes that understand portfolios. A combined-withholding account at the IRS: all employers report in, one dial sets the household's withholding across every income stream. The April ambush that punishes the second job ends with arithmetic the government should have been doing all along.
- Licenses that travel. Universal interstate recognition for occupational licenses, on the model that already works: the Nurse Licensure Compact covers some forty states; Arizona's universal-recognition law of 2019 has been copied by roughly twenty more. A credential earned in one state is presumptively valid in all — because the plumbing doesn't change at the state line, and neither does the plumber.
The background
Read generously — and it should be — the multi-job trend is not only precarity; it is diversification. Dependence on a single payer is the fragile position, as every laid-off loyalist learns at once. The American pattern was always plural: the founding generation farmed, surveyed, soldiered, and kept shop, often in the same year. The covenant's job (№ 001, № 004) is to guarantee the floor so that a portfolio is chosen; this Act's job is to make the chosen portfolio pay honestly — more per hour, not less, than the company-town alternative.
The honest objections
"This legitimizes the three-job grind. Nobody should need three jobs." Agreed — which is why the floor comes first in this catalog: care that doesn't depend on any job (№ 004), a dividend that doesn't either (№ 001). On that floor, the portfolio is a choice, and the only question is whether chosen work pays fairly. Keeping the plumbing broken doesn't spare anyone the grind; it just taxes it.
"Employers have real confidentiality and conflict concerns." They keep every protection that is real: trade secrets, direct competition, specific proven conflicts. What they lose is the blanket claim — the presumption that your Saturday belongs to them because your Tuesday does.
"A retirement mandate burdens small business." The state auto-IRA design was built for exactly this fear: the employer's entire role is a payroll deduction. No plan sponsorship, no fiduciary duty, no matching requirement. Oregon's smallest employers run it routinely.
"The gig platforms win." The rails are neutral on purpose: pro-rata contributions and combined withholding apply to 1099 platforms exactly as to W-2 employers, which removes the benefits arbitrage that currently rewards misclassification. The platforms lose their subsidy; the worker keeps the flexibility.
Sources
- Bureau of Labor Statistics: multiple jobholders series; employee tenure summary (bls.gov)
- Georgetown Center for Retirement Initiatives, state auto-IRA program data (cri.georgetown.edu)
- California Business & Professions Code §16600 (1872 lineage); FTC noncompete rulemaking record
- Nurse Licensure Compact (ncsbn.org); Arizona H.B. 2569 (2019) and successor state laws